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So much for cometh the hour, cometh the man. In the quest for a leader to restore standards in British public life, Boris Johnson would not be anyone’s first choice.
The prime minister radiates contempt for rules and conventions. It is not that he does not see the need for them, it is simply that he has made a career out of proving they do not apply to him. From adherence to the ministerial code to obeisance to international treaties and respect for parliamentary conventions, he prefers bold action to due process.
Yet amid the furore over the Greensill saga, Johnson, ever one to drop a classical allusion, talks of cleansing the stables. He recognises the political need to head off a new narrative of Tory sleaze.
Nor is there any disputing the shock in Westminster at both the egregious lobbying by former prime minister David Cameron on behalf of the now collapsed Greensill Capital, or that a senior civil servant was allowed to work for that company while still overseeing government procurement.
The two main concerns raised are over the informal undisclosed lobbying, by well connected ex-politicians and officials, and the revolving door from public to private sector which lends itself to favours and undue influence.
Some reform is certain. Yet the noises from government so far scream recalibration rather than watershed. Johnson will cauterise the wound but not seek meaningful change. Talk to Tories and the words you hear are “tweaksâ€, “tightening†and “baby out with the bathwaterâ€.
In fact, the biggest worry for some Tories is that with the numerous reviews and Commons inquiries the issue is already out of his control. They are particularly nervous of legislation on new lobbying rules, since opposition MPs will seek to broaden the scope of any newly proposed restrictions.
While some tougher lobbying rules can be expected, little is likely on the way political parties raise funds through events that offer proximity with ministers and leaders. This form of cash for access means donors have an inbuilt advantage when wanting to lobby ministers. Transparency will help but the ability to get your calls taken is what really counts.
There are two other reasons change will be limited. First, the government believes in the revolving door. It does not want a world in which politicians cannot seek a lucrative second act when their ministerial career ends, nor does it want to stop civil servants going to or returning from the private sector.
The success of Kate Bingham’s vaccines task force has convinced ministers that the value of bringing in outsiders outweighs the wasted millions on bad contracts and other flawed appointments of the Covid crisis which showed the value of due process. In the heat of a crisis, mistakes can be excused but ministers are too addicted to shortcuts. This is less about venality than a mindset which views bureaucracy as a weapon to stifle reforms.
The root of this scandal was Cameron’s belief in private sector buccaneers, like Lex Greensill, to secure Whitehall reform. Johnson and his allies share that outlook. Michael Gove, the cabinet office minister, talks of the deadening hand of the Whitehall “blob†and sees private sector outsiders as key drivers of new thinking. Ministers will not want new rules to be so rigorous that private sector talent refuses to take such positions.
The second obstacle is the character of this government. Johnson sets its tone and he is informal, cavalier, scornful of rules and often dishonest in his public pronouncements. He took no action when his communities minister acted to approve a planning application after a chat at a dinner with the Tory donor behind it. He ennobled supportive journalists and sought donations for a refurbishment of his Downing Street flat.
He also lost his adviser on ministerial standards by rejecting his findings, and his party chair wants to reduce the powers of the Electoral Commission which monitors election conduct. The last thing he wants is a new standards watchdog policing his government.
Ministers take their cue from the top. As important as any new rules is the attitude of those being lobbied. Unless ministers see Johnson leading by example and ready to sacrifice allies when they transgress, little will change.
It is possible that, recognising the political winds, this consummate poacher turns gamekeeper. One should never underestimate Johnson’s Olympian shamelessness if expediency demands. More likely, he will do no more than is necessary to make the problem go away. A broader definition of lobbying activities which have to be registered and disclosed is certain, as are tougher rules on post government jobs.
These are all welcome. But former ministers, hired for their contacts, will still be able to pick up a phone and push their client’s case to the top of a pile. Allies will still be parachuted into public roles. Donors will still get easy access to ministers. Peerages will still be the reward for services rendered.
Some crises bring forth a leader; in the insouciance of Johnson and Cameron, the leaders brought forth the crisis. This is a government which believes ends justify means, and that values its freedom of movement over constraints and conventions. It will limit that freedom as little as possible.
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